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Many folk Fairy Tales occasionally have Gender Flip variants; they are invariably played absolutely straight.


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Sometimes the remake or "reimagining" of a work may involve Gender Flips, perhaps due to societal changes on the Sliding Scale of Gender Inequality that, for example, would allow a formerly-male Number Two to be an Action Girl instead. Occasionally, the Gender Flip occurs with a work that's already in development, or even in production due to, for example, an actor's sudden unavailability or simply a last-minute casting idea. The results can be particularly interesting in these cases, as the written role may be almost completely unchanged from its original opposite-gender version.

Rule 63 is closely related, but subtly different. A good general rule of thumb is that a Rule 63 character looks like exactly the same character, as if subjected to Gender Bender. Gender Flip characters will often differ from their originals in a great many ways other than the character's sex. Distinguished from Crosscast Role , in which the actor is the opposite sex of the character.

For example, a production of Hamlet that as in Shakespeare's own day had Ophelia played by a boy would be a Crosscast Role , but a production with a male actor playing a male character named "Ophelius" and referred to in the text with male pronouns would be a Gender Flip. Not to be confused with Gender Bender though outside TV Tropes , the terms are sometimes used interchangeably. If a story involves a character changing sex In-Universe , that's a Gender Bender. If a creator decides the character works better as the opposite sex, that's this trope.

Also not to be confused with Gender Inverted Trope , when not a particular character , but a whole trope is flipped from its usually expected gender. Also note that this trope is not about "gender roles" in the generic sense. Those are covered for examples involving couples, anyway by Masculine Girl, Feminine Boy. See also Spear Counterpart and Distaff Counterpart. You may also find this this character wearing a Gendered Outfit in comparison to their original counterpart. Arellano had medical insurance, but paid out of pocket for both treatments, spending thousands of dollars.

Fraser said it is more common than it used to be for insurance companies to cover transgender health care, and organizations like the World Professional Association for Transgender Health are fighting for it to be required. After Arellano realized he was transgender, he read testimonies online, reached out to people in the LGBT community for advice and spent months considering what to do.

He realized it is a lifelong commitment and a journey that would affect his family. The middle had shifted: MOR, a format of Frank Sinatra types, now stretched to incorporate baby boom counterculture. Genres are different. Rock, in its s form, was the Uncola of formats: a lucrative format posing as a rebel genre. Music genres, more inherently ideological, chafe at formats, with their centrist, commercial disposition.

Yet the very commercial tendencies that made radio formats, and the music they implanted in our consciousness, suspect aesthetically also made them trailblazers for the sounds, artists, and listeners left out by all that genre certainty. Formats, radio, and pop music deserve a much bigger place in the history of American culture than accounts rooted in genre and isolated records have afforded them. Their homogenizing tendencies popularized and routinized each eruption from the countercultural s and s and MTV s to the grunge, gangsta, and new country s.

That tension structures this book. The safe radio pop that so many commentators have reviled for so many valid reasons opened as many doors as it closed.

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Nearly every history of Top 40 launches from an anecdote about how radio station manager Todd Storz came up with the idea sometime between World War II and the early s, watching with friends in a bar in Omaha as customers repeatedly punched up the same few songs on the jukebox. A waitress, after hearing the tunes for hours, paid for more listens, though she was unable to explain herself.

But I saw waitresses do this time after time. He might be seen as an entrepreneur with his ear to the ground, like the s furniture salesman who insisted hillbilly music be recorded or the s Fire Island dancer who created remixes to extend the beat. Or he could be viewed as a schlockmeister lowering standards for an inarticulate public, especially women—so often conceived as mass-cultural dupes.

Though sponsored broadcasting had been part of radio in America, unlike much of the rest of the world, since its beginnings, Top 40 raised hackles in a postwar era concerned about the numbing effects of mass culture. I do not believe there is any such thing as better or inferior music. And I get every single thing I can get: the sales on every configuration, every demo for every single, the gender of every buyer, the race of every buyer.

I follow the audience flow of the market around the clock.

Complicating the tension between seeing formats as pandering or as deferring to popular taste was a formal quality that Top 40 also shared with the jukebox: it could encompass many varieties of hits or group a subset for a defined public. This duality blurred categories we often keep separate. American show business grew from blackface minstrelsy and its performative rather than innate notion of identity—pop as striking a pose, animating a mask, putting on style or a musical. Top 40 formats drew on both modes, in constantly recalibrated proportions.

And in doing so, the logic of formats, especially the s format system that assimilated genres, unsettled notions of real and fake music. In the late s, jukeboxes revived a record business collapsed by free music on radio and the Great Depression. Jack Kapp in particular, working for the US branch of British-owned Decca, tailored the records he handled to boom from the pack: swing jazz dance beats, slangy vernacular from black urban culture, and significant sexual frankness.

This capitalized on qualities inherent in recordings, which separated sound from its sources in place, time, and community, allowing both new artifice—one did not know where the music came from, exactly—and new realism: one might value, permanently, the warble of a certain voice, suggesting a certain origin.

Records had not always been a radio staple. The result, in part, was rock and roll, which had emerged sonically by the late s but needed the Top 40 system to become dominant with young 45 RPM—singles buyers by the end of the s. Did the format destroy the genre?

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Yes, they pulled punches on gender roles even as they encouraged girls to identify with young male rebels. We can go back further than jukebox juries becoming American Bandstands. Ambiguities between democratic culture and commodification are familiar within cultural history.

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Amid vicious racial stereotyping could be found performances that respectable theater disavowed. The composers, the singers, the musicians, the speakers, the stage performers—the minstrel shows got them all. Entertainment, as it grew into the brashest industry of modernizing America, fused selling and singing as a matter of orthodoxy.

The three-act minstrel show stamped formats on show business early on, with its song-and-dance opening, variety-act olio, and dramatic afterpiece, its interlocutors and end men. Such structures later migrated to variety, vaudeville, and Broadway.

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Each network radio program had a format. Top 40 formats addressed the same need to fit broadcast, advertiser, and public, but through a different paradigm: what one branded with an on-air jukebox approach was now the radio station itself, to multiple sponsors. As formats came to dominate, with even news and talk stations formatted for consistent sound, competing sonic configurations hailed different demographics. A framework of showmanship in had become a frame of mind in Formats began as theatrical structures but evolved into marketing devices—efforts to convince sponsors of the link between a mediated product and its never fully quantifiable audience.


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  • Formats did not idealize culture; they sold it. They structured eclecticism rather than imposing aesthetic values. At about the same time Todd Storz watched the action at a jukebox in Omaha, sociologist David Riesman was conducting in-depth interviews with young music listeners. But the urge to value music as an authentic expression of identity appealed well beyond outsider scenes and subcultures.

    He sings more sincere than most entertainers because the hillbilly was raised rougher than most entertainers. You got to know a lot about hard work. You got to have smelt a lot of mule manure before you can sing like a hillbilly. The people who has been raised something like the way the hillbilly has knows what he is singing about and appreciates it. The folkloric paradigm is the air that we breathe.

    For this study, I want to combine subcultural outsiders and identity-group notions of folkloric authenticity into a single opposition to formats: genres.


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    If entertainment formats are an undertheorized category of analysis, though a widely used term, genres have been highly theorized. By sticking with popular music, however, we can identify a few accepted notions. Music genres have rules: socially constructed and accepted codes of form, meaning, and behavior. If music genres cannot be viewed—as their adherents might prefer—as existing outside of commerce and media, they do share a common aversion: to pop shapelessness.

    Oklahoman shares his journey realizing what it meant to be transgender

    The tug-of-war between format and genre, performative theatrics and folkloric authenticity, came to a head with rock, the commercially and critically dominant form of American music from the late s to the early s.